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    The post-cold war regionalisms of Turkish foreign policy
    (Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, 2013) Kaliber, A.
    This study argues that the post-Cold War changes in Turkish foreign and security policy (FSP) can best be understood as the regionalization of strategic and security outlook in Turkey. Here regionalization refers to two interrelated processes: first, the process whereby security interest definitions and threat perceptions in Turkey have gained an increasingly regional character, and second the process whereby Turkey has increasingly defined itself as an activist regional power. Yet, the current study takes issue with the widespread assumption that regionalist activism of Turkish FSP can only be appropriated to the recent Justice and Development Party governments. Rather, it argues that the regionalist activism observed in the 2000s should be conceived as the second regionalist turn in Turkish FSP. The first wave of regionalization began soon after the end of the Cold War and developed in parallel to the rise of the ‘region’ as a new unit of security in global politics. This study compares and contrasts these two regionalist eras with a view to exploring the post-Cold War regionalization of FSP in Turkey. © Belgrade Centre for Security Policy.
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    Turkey’s Cyprus Policy: A Case of Contextual Europeanisation
    (Taylor and Francis, 2016) Kaliber, A.
    This chapter discusses the impact of Europeanisation on Turkey’s Cyprus policies as a normative/political context where domestic actors are the principal creators of Europeanisation. The foreign and security policy (FSP) establishment in Turkey has always placed special emphasis on the geo-strategically vital location of the island of Cyprus for the country’s defence. The fundamental objective of Turkey’s new activism was to enable a solution before 1 May 2004, the date when the Greek Cypriot-controlled Republic of Cyprus (RoC) would become an EU member. Cyprus has been instrumental for Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP) both to challenge the conventional state policies and to gain the needed support of the external actors most notably the EU and the US. Turkey also accepted that the UN Secretary General Annan would have the last say on the matters upon which Turkish and Greek Cypriot sides fail to compromise. © 2012 Çiğdem Nas, Yonca Özer and the contributors.