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Öğe Basic Personal Values Underlie and Give Coherence to Political Values: A Cross National Study in 15 Countries(Springer/Plenum Publishers, 2014-12) Başlevent, Cem; Kırmanoglu, HasanDo the political values of the general public form a coherent system? What might be the source of coherence? We view political values as expressions, in the political domain, of more basic personal values. Basic personal values (e.g., security, achievement, benevolence, hedonism) are organized on a circular continuum that reflects their conflicting and compatible motivations. We theorize that this circular motivational structure also gives coherence to political values. We assess this theorizing with data from 15 countries, using eight core political values (e.g., free enterprise, law and order) and ten basic personal values. We specify the underlying basic values expected to promote or oppose each political value. We offer different hypotheses for the 12 non-communist and three post-communist countries studied, where the political context suggests different meanings of a basic or political value. Correlation and regression analyses support almost all hypotheses. Moreover, basic values account for substantially more variance in political values than age, gender, education, and income. Multidimensional scaling analyses demonstrate graphically how the circular motivational continuum of basic personal values structures relations among core political values. This study strengthens the assumption that individual differences in basic personal values play a critical role in political thought.Öğe Basic Values, Ideological Self-Placement, and Voting: A Cross-Cultural Study(SAGE PUBLICATIONS INC, 2017-10) Kirmanoğlu, Hasan; Başlevent, CemThe current study examines the contribution of left-right (or liberal-conservative) ideology to voting, as well as the extent to which basic values account for ideological orientation. Analyses were conducted in 16 countries from five continents (Europe, North America, South America, Asia, and Oceania), most of which have been neglected by previous studies. Results showed that left-right (or liberal-conservative) ideology predicted voting in all countries except Ukraine. Basic values exerted a considerable effect in predicting ideology in most countries, especially in established democracies such as Australia, Finland, Italy, United Kingdom, and Germany. Pattern of relations with the whole set of 10 values revealed that the critical trade-off underlying ideology is between values concerned with tolerance and protection for the welfare of all people (universalism) versus values concerned with preserving the social order and status quo (security). A noteworthy exception was found in European postcommunist countries, where relations of values with ideology were small (Poland) or near to zero (Ukraine, Slovakia).Öğe The Contribution of Religiosity to Ideology: Empirical Evidences From Five Continents(SAGE PUBLICATIONS INC, 2018-12-01) Kirmanoğlu, Hasan; Başlevent, CemThe current study examines the extent to which religiosity account for ideological orientations in 16 countries from five continents (Australia, Brazil, Chile, Germany, Greece, Finland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Poland, Slovakia, Spain, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States). Results showed that religiosity was consistently related to right and conservative ideologies in all countries, except Australia. This relation held across different religions, and did not vary across participant's demographic conditions (i.e., gender, age, income, and education). After controlling for basic personal values, the contribution of religiosity on ideology was still significant. However, the effect was substantial only in countries where religion has played a prominent role in the public sphere, such as Spain, Poland, Greece, Italy, Slovakia, and Turkey. In the other countries, the unique contribution of religiosity was marginal or small.Öğe Inter-party vote movements in Turkey: The sources of AKP votes in 2007(Bilgesel Yayincilik San & Tic Ltd, 2009-12) Başlevent, Cem; Akarca, Ali T.Using data drawn from a nationwide voter tendencies survey conducted shortly before the July 2007 parliamentary election in Turkey, inter-party vote movements during the 2002-2007 period are investigated with the Justice and Development Party (AKP) as the focal point. A descriptive analysis relying on two and four-way partitions of the data set reveals that, in comparison to the relatively small group of 'deserters' from the party, the 'newcomers' to the AKP are younger more female, more satisfied with the performance of the economy, and more likely to be pro-EU membership. The data also show that AKP supporters are less educated and less concerned about the threats to secularism than the rest of the voters. The key finding of the econometric work is that economic evaluations - especially retrospective ones - have a strong association with the party choice in the 2007 elections.Öğe Persistence in regional voting patterns in Turkey during a period of major political realignment(2011-04) Başlevent, CemUsing province-level data from five nationwide elections held during the past decade, we examine the main voting patterns in Turkey. By means of cluster analysis, we classify the 81 provinces according to vote shares of the major parties and independent candidates, and repeat this exercise for each election held between 1999 and 2009. We find that three-way and five-way partitions of the country adequately capture the main political cleavages in Turkey. Although the conservative right-wing parties receive a plurality of votes in all regions of the three-way partition, they receive significant challenge from left-wing and Turkish nationalist parties in the west and from the Kurdish nationalist parties in the east. In addition to these patterns, the five-way partition brings out shifts in the relative strength of the parties within each main division. Our results also show that, despite the major political realignment that occurred during the period under examination, the groupings of provinces remain mainly unchanged. Therefore, we construct 'composite clusters' by classifying provinces in the group in which they appear the majority of the time. The distinct socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of the composite clusters suggest that differences in social and economic structures lie at the root of differing regional political tendencies and their persistence. © The Author(s) 2011.Öğe The region-of-origin effect on voting behavior: The case of Turkey's internal migrants(Bilgesel Yayincilik San & Tic Ltd, 2010-12) Başlevent, Cem; Akarca, Ali T.In this paper the relative importance of the origins and destinations of Turkey's internal migrants on their voting behavior is examined. By using a pre-election survey from 2007, it is first demonstrated that migrants vote differently than non-migrants. Then province-level election data is brought into the analysis to determine whether migrants political tendencies are associated more with the voting patterns prevailing in their host provinces or the provinces they are originally from. According to the results of the econometric models estimated, a positive and significant 'origin' effect exists Jar most migrants, but a significant 'destination' effect is lacking. The origin effect estimate implies that if the vote share of a party exceeds its nationwide average by 10 percentage points in a given province, then the probability that this party will be chosen fry a migrant born in that province increases by about 5 percentage points. This finding is attributed to continued cultural and economic ties of the migrants with their origins and with fellow migrants from their hometowns at their destinations.