PhD in Political Science
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Güncel Gönderiler
Öğe Modern metropolis and daily practices within spaces of encounter: metrobuses of Istanbul(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2023) Cihan, Özlem; Kaya, AyhanABSTRACT: Modern individuals live with the city. Nowadays, the content of this experience is significantly realized in metropolitan areas. Inhabitants practice in the spatially and temporally regulated, organized, and appropriated structure of the metropolis. An individual's practice as an inhabitant and then as an urban citizen is constructed through a city-appropriated essence. With its vast areal scale and planning paradigm of neoliberal governmentality, the metropolis enframes inhabitants' private but also public practices in its spatial structure that corresponds to market principles. Consequently, metropolitan inhabitants growingly become subjects of a homogenous consumption that prevailed in the spatial structuring of life practices. As they become more consumers than producers in the city, they are growingly losing their ability to relate and belong. Hence, the essence of togetherness is significantly actualized through the daily routines of embodied spaces for diverse and distant inhabitants of the metropolis. As a notable example of the condition, Istanbul’s metropolitan growth comes to the fore. Following the developmental planning paradigm, Istanbul has become one of the biggest metropolises in the world by eventually introducing its famous transportation system to meet growing demands for spatial-temporal maximization of mobility, the metrobus. In this light, the dissertation aims to analyze the idea and practice of togetherness realized in everyday practices of encountering spaces in Istanbul. The metrobus, as an important space for the plural and diverse encounters, has been selected as the subject of inquiry. Through field research conducted with semi-structured in-depth interviews between 2019 and 2020, the dissertation will present Istanbul’s spatial essence in the constitution of everyday life practices and the socio-spatial characteristics of transit mobility for regular metrobus passengers. The entangled layers of ordinary practices and regular transit mobility in Istanbul to make sense of socio-spatial togetherness will be questioned through encounters and interlocutors’ perceptions of being with others, hence togetherness.Öğe Reconsidering democracy promotion: a comparative analysis of Brazil and Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2022) Akgün, Merve Çalımlı; Tuğtan, Mehmet AiABSTRACT: Brazil and Turkey are two regional actors that have succinctly promoted democracy which marked an apparent shift in their foreign policies towards their regions between 2000 and 2015. This study intends to answer why Brazil and Turkey enacted democracy promotion in their foreign policies. Shedding light on the lack of comparative research on non-Western regional actors in comparative perspective across spatial and temporal dimensions, this study makes an empirical and theoretical contribution by looking at democracy promotion as a particular foreign policy outcome. Empirically, the study examines and maps all the democracy promotion practices by Brazil and Turkey, regardless of their limits, and chooses three cases amongst them as a within-case analysis for comparative research. For Brazil, Paraguay (2012), Peru (2000), Venezuela (2002, 2012), and for Turkey, Libya, Egypt, and Syria during the Arab Uprisings erupted in 2011 were subject to comparative analysis. Theoretically, positioning itself in alignment with Neoclassical Realism, the study aims to fill the gap between the increase in their relative power as a systemic variable and democracy promotion as an outcome of foreign policy. To this end, the study resorts to Role Theory and contends that the relative increase in their regional power was translated at the statelevel through pro-democratic regional leadership roles claimed by decision-makers, based on their states’ ideational and material capabilities. Building upon official reports, parliamentary speeches, newspaper articles, press releases, and interviews conducted in both countries; this study contends that securing/maximizing geostrategic commitments and retaining regional power motivated democracy promotion as a foreign policy outcome, which was caused by the relative increase in Brazil’s and Turkey’s regional power that resulted in decision-makers’ claim for the pro-democratic regional leadership role.Öğe What do democracy indices measure? A conceptual and methodological critique(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2021) Başkavak, Yetkin; Cemgil, CanABSTRACT: Comparative democratization studies is characterized by a minimalist-proceduralist conception of democracy, relies heavily on quantified democracy indices, and its perspective is reflected in the democracy promotion policies. The democracy indices strongly both the conceptual and methodological preferences of this field, while they are increasingly used in making decision on democracy promotion policies. The field of democratic theory, on the other hand, is increasingly being dominated by critical approaches that insist on the centrality of concepts of participation and deliberation in both the functioning and analysis of democracy. Such approaches find their application in democratic innovations and the social struggles for deepening democratization. They are relatively weaker in their applications at the nation-state scale and also in producing alternative assessment frameworks for democratic quality of political systems. This study aims to compare these two strands with regard to their strength in conceptualizing and analyzing democratic politics, as well their contributions to the debates and struggles for democracy in the public sphere. For this aim, it first provides a critical analysis of the state of the art in comparative democracy assessment, diagnose their shortcomings in both providing sound assessments of the state of democracy and in representing the plurality of conceptions of democracy. Prominent democracy indices are also subjected to an analysis with regard to the role they play in the normative foundations of world politics and global governance. These analyses together demonstrate the need for going beyond the dominant conceptual and methodological tendencies. For this aim, the study finally analyses the prospects of x introducing the deliberative democracy theory into the field of comparative democracy assessment. Deliberative democracy theory is well-suited for democratizing democracy assessment by offering a normatively justified, theoretically grounded concept of democracy and accommodating institutional and scalar variations. It is also amenable to participatory methodologies, whereby the citizens themselves can be included in the process of assessment, thereby providing strong input to the public debate on democratization in all contexts.Öğe Reproduction and survival strategies of small tradesmen in Turkey: the case of perşembe pazarı(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2021) Altınoklu, Müge Neda; Boyraz, CemilABSTRACT: Although orthodox Marxist scholars have assumed the disappearance of the traditional petty bourgeoisie at the advanced stage of capitalism, changing labor relations, in spite of increasing proletarianization conditions, have oriented many scholars since the 1970s towards debates on the contemporary class boundaries and the role of the petty bourgeoisie. However, the existing literature underestimates the class boundaries and reproduction conditions of various fractions of the traditional petty bourgeoisie, having also capitalist nature also, despite the nonproductive labor relations. Esnaf, as a specific category which refers to small tradesmen and shopkeepers, have also been an undervalued research subject within the class analysis. This study aims to deal with the contemporary boundaries of esnaf and to understand how esnaf, as an intermediate category within the relations of production, thought that its boundaries have been eroded under advanced capitalism have reproduced itself today. In addition to a literature analysis held in the first place, by abstracting esnaf within the production process and labor relations, esnaf’s class boundaries are argued in the second place by reference to the critical literature on the petty bourgeoisie. The specific historical conditions of its formation and transformation are analyzed in the third instance. The theoretical and historical discussions are linked to the field research carried out in Perşembe Pazarı. In addition to the presentation of the quantitative data, the Perşembe Pazarı is presented by considering its spatial transformation during the Ottoman-Turkish capitalist development. The conjunctural conditions where esnaf in Perşembe Pazarı has reproduced itself since the 1980s will be further analyzed by focusing on esnaf’s specific experiences in the free market, changing interests, strategies, perceptions on the role of the state, shifting alliances and representation patterns in specific conjunctural conditions. A conclusion is drawn that the class position and location of esnaf and its reproduction should be discussed through not only the structural/objective conditions, but also specific conjunctural political and ideological conditions and changing balance of powers.Öğe German Turkish women’s transnational practices and belonging at intersecting social divisions(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2021) Weißenberg, Melaine; Kaya, AyhanABSTRACT: This thesis asks how German-Turkish women who were raised in Germany produce a transnational space and experience belonging at intersecting social divisions. To answer the research question, the author of this work conducted episodic fieldwork in 2013 and in 2017, mainly in Turkey and partially in Germany. The fieldwork included participant observation among four main informants and semi-structured interviews with a total number of 32 women. While 14 women were consulted in 2013 and in 2017, 18 women were only interviewed in 2017. Most interlocutors rationalized their migration to Turkey as self-made decisions. Belonging and transnationalism – the main concepts and themes of this thesis – are bound together by the framework of intersectionality. Intersectionality situates agents in an asymmetric continuum of social locations which are defined by intersecting social divisions, i.e. categories, such as citizenship status, gender, socio-economic and educational background, ethnicity, migrant status, age, race, and religion. Not only do social locations constrain and enable migration and settlement. As far as belonging is concerned, social locations also impact the intersectional language of exclusion and citizenship women migrants and postmigrants experience and their tactical responses. The results show that migration and settlement are ultimately circular processes if citizenship rights allow for it. Over time, a migration to Turkey is often followed by a migration back to Germany or to another country. Related decisions depend on external political, social and economic transformations. Moreover, migration and settlement decisions are embedded with transformations in German-Turkish women’s cycle of life and their corresponding social locations. The results show that German-Turkish women’s decisions to engage in transnational circular migration are tactical choices of balancing intersectional inequality they experience in their place of origin with intersectional equality in the destination of migration. They move away from structural disadvantages they face in the form of gendered constraints, intersectional discrimination, unemployment, economic deprivation, social exclusion and curtailed individual liberties. By way of migrating, they seek to alter their social locations by claiming fundamental rights such as the right to be near family members and friends, the right to accommodation, livelihood, work and education, the right to gender equality, social inclusion, and the right to freedom of expression and self-realization. As far as belonging is concerned, German-Turkish women experience intersectional categorizations of difference based on race, ethnicity, culture, religion and gender in both countries. Contrary to these categorizations and even contrary to hybrid, binational or hyphenated cultural identities, the consulted women situate their senses of belonging and selfidentification with groups on the social micro-level of their past and present everyday life. Meaningful social networks, groups and localities include family and friends, the workplace and university, neighborhoods in Germany and in Istanbul as well as Istanbul’s urban public sphere. It can be concluded that German-Turkish women’s fundamental rights, needs and resources and their social, economic and political spheres of participation and belonging are distributed across the transnational space GermanyTurkey. Their migration motives constitute claims for participation, for fundamental rights and for intersectional justice in the polities of two sovereign states. Since the protagonists of this thesis evade structural inequalities and alter their disadvantaged social locations in both states as they migrate, a right to dual citizenship is a necessary step to enhance intersectional justice and to reconcile them with the structural inequalities they face in each polity.Öğe Salgın döneminde güvenlik devletinin dönüşümü(Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi, 2021-11) İpek, Taşkın ToprakÖZET: Covid-19 salgını devletin tanımı ve işlevi üzerinde yeni bir kırılma noktası yaratmıştır. Bu kırılma noktası, geçen yüzyılın son çeyreğinden beri dünya genelinde egemen makro-ekonomik ve toplumsal sistem olan neoliberalizmin sıklaşan bunalımlarını gözler önüne sermiştir. Özelleştirme ve serbestleştirme aracılığıyla kar maksimizasyonuna dayanan bu sistem, bölgesel ve küresel çapta yaşadığı bunalımların etkisiyle çeşitli toplumsal protestolara ortam hazırlamıştır. Neoliberal devlet, merkez ve çevrede, bu protesto dalgalarına yanıt üretmek için güvenlik önlemlerine giderek daha fazla başvurmaktadır. Önlemler, ücretli çalışanları sermaye grupları karşısında baskı altında tutmak için çeşitlenmektedir. Böylece çeşitli disipline edici mekanizmaları içeren güvenlik devleti, birikim bunalımlarına çözüm olarak hayata geçirilmektedir. Güvenlik devletini açıklayabilmek için kullanılacak kavram ‘olağanüstü hâl’ olacaktır. Sermaye lehine yeniden biçimlenen devlet yapısı bu kavram üzerinden daha iyi incelenebilir. Bununla birlikte olağanüstü hâl, salgın dönemindeki otoriterleşmeyi anlamak için iyi bir çerçeve çizmektedir. Salgında artan güvenlik tedbirleri, baskı ve sermaye grupları lehine düzenlemeler güncel durumu tahlil etmek açısından önemlidir. Olağanüstü hâl; ücretli çalışanlara olduğu kadar azınlık gruplarının aleyhine uygulamalara da neden olmaktadır. Bu tür örneklerin yaşandığı yerlerden birisi de Britanya’dır. Britanya, Covid-10 salgının başladığı andan itibaren, diğer pek çok ülkeyle benzer biçimde, olağanüstü hâl uygulamalarını hayata geçirmiş, işgücünü ve toplumsal yaşamı sınırlayan kuralları yürürlüğe koymuştur. Ancak bu kurallar ücretli çalışanları değil, sermaye gruplarının karını korumaya yöneliktir. Ayrıca Avrupa’nın diğer pek çok ülkesinde, salgının var olan eşitsizlikleri arttırdığı, madunlara yönelik ayrımcılığı tetiklediği görülmektedir. Bu nedenle salgın yalnızca biyolojik bir felaket olarak değil, aynı zamanda toplumsal gerilimleri daha da kırılgan hale getiren bir olgu olarak da okunmalıdır. Bu çalışma, Britanya örneği üzerinden salgın döneminde belirgin hale gelen güvenlik devleti ile neoliberalizm arasındaki bağlantıyı incelemektedir.Öğe Progress in Turkish international relations(Center for Foreign Policy and Peace Research, Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, 2018) Turan, İlterThere are certainly grounds for optimism when it comes to progress in Turkish international relations (IR). Turkish academia has come a long way since the 1960s. The rapid expansion of IR study in Turkish academia can be attributed to the expansion in the Turkish educational system, especially after 1980, and the rising importance of international relations through globalization. Turkish society has very large potential for future work in IR, with many highly qualified scholars. Compared to a few decades ago, more IR articles are being authored by Turkish scholars, both abroad and in Turkey. The question now is how Turkish scholars can become an even stronger voice in the international academic community. In this paper, I suggest better collaboration with government and universities to develop better PhD programs, participate in PhD consortiums and establish stronger links with the international community.Öğe A critique of the hotspot approach the case of Italy(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2019) Tepe, Öykü; Uyan Semerci, PınarIn the year 2015, the European Union has witnessed a record number of migrant arrivals composed of a great majority of asylum seekers. Serious humanitarian and political challenges have appeared at the EU external borders and within the Schengen Area. However, it is called as ‘European Refugee Crisis’ in a widespread manner, we indicate that it is the crisis of the existing asylum system of the EU. Under the circumstances, the EU presented the hotspot approach to provide the operational assistance of the EU Agencies, namely European Asylum Support Office, Frontex, Europol, to Italy and Greece under disproportionate migratory pressure. In this thesis, we examine the first year of the implementation of the hotspot approach in Italy, with the examples from the hotspot of Lampedusa in order to understand whether the hotspot approach is able to address the crisis of the EU asylum system. In conclusion, we see that the hotspot approach that relies on the same policies led to the crisis, therefore, consolidates challenges for both the host Member States and migrants, rather than prioritizing refugee and human rights responsibilities, and a fair/proportionate sharing of responsibility among Member States.Öğe Kriz dönemlerinde Türk basınında ırkçı milliyetçilik ve Rum algısı(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2008) Karaca, Fazıl Ekin; Akar, RıdvanTürkiye-Yunanistan ilişkilerinin gerilme süreci Osmanlı İmparatorluğuna uzanıyor. 1821 Yunan İhtilali ile başlayan olumsuz süreç, Balkan Savaşları ile doruğa ulaşıyor. Yeni kurulan ulus devletlerin koskoca Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nu Avrupa'nın dışına itmesi ile ortaya çıkan imparatorluğun geçersiz bir yönetim biçimi olduğu gerçeği, Türkleri alelacele ulus-devlet olma sürecine itiyor. Milli kimlik, milli ekonomi ve vatandaş oluşturma kavramlarını uluslaşma için çözüm gören Cumhuriyet kadroları bu bağlamda gayrimüslim vatandaşları uluslaşma süreci için olası tehlike olarak değerlendirdiler. Bu noktada ise başlıca günah keçisi her zaman için Rumlar oldu. Her ne kadar arada yakınlaşmalar olmuş olsa da Yunanistan'ın Kıbrıs sorununu 1954'te Birleşmiş Milletlere taşıması ile birlikte iki ülke ilişkileri açısından çalkantılı süreç başladı ve uygulanan karşılıklı uzlaşmaz politikalar yoluyla da zaman zaman içinden çıkılmaz hallere sürüklendi. Yaşanan çatışmalı dönemlerde en fazla zararı kuşkusuz iki ülkede yaşayan Rum ve Türk azınlıklar çekti. Özellikle basın yolu ile halka empoze edilen ırkçı söylemler, azınlıklar için hayatı yaşanmaz kılmaya yetti.Öğe The politics of nature and neoliberalism: An assesment of the impact of hydroelectric power plants on local populations(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2016) Oğuz, Pelin Sıla; Kaya, Ayhan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe An articulation of deliberative and radical democracy(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2004) Vardağlı, Emine Tutku; Özbank, Murat[Abstract Not Available]Öğe A feminist critique of just war tradition(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2018) Bilmen, Yakup Ceki; Semerci, Pınar Uyan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Cultural policy making and the right to the city in Çanakkale and Kars(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2012) Kutlu, Ülkü Zümray; Kaya, Ayhan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Class and nationalism in the age of global capitalism: Post-1980 privatization process in Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2012) Boyraz, Cemil[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Representing enlarging European Union: Hegemony, change and the Visegrad perspectives(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2013) Senderak, Pavel; Kaya, Ayhan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Burden sharing or burden shifting in protecting refugees(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2015) Fidanoğlu, Dilşan; Tokuzlu, Lami Bertan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe The political affiliations and behavoirs of the Pontos refugees in Greece in the interwar period (1923-1936) following the exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey of 1923(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2014) Pavlidou, Despoina; Macar, Elçin[Abstract Not Available]Öğe The political economy of state - building: The case of Turkish Cypriots (1960-1967)(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2014) Arslan, Hakan; Tonak, Ertuğrul Ahmet[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Civil society and democratisation in Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2014) Solmaztürk, Ethem Halidun; Düzgit, SenemThis is an analysis of the contribution of civil society to democratisation in Turkey through participation in the political decision-making and legislative processes and its degree of success in exerting an influence on policy outcomes. It aims to uncover the causal processes and variables, which work between civil society and the political processes and investigates the relationship between the efforts of civil society to promote democratisation and the policy outcomes related to democratisation. This is an intensive case study for which ‘process induction’ approach of ‘Process Tracing’ method is applied. It focuses on two ‘issue-areas’ for investigation: security sector reform and judicial reform. Four civil society organisations—two domestic and two transnational—with specific democratisation programmes have been selected as cases to study. It has found that the influence of civil society on policy outcomes—particularly on those related to democratisation—in Turkey is negligible. Based on the findings of this research, it can only be argued that there is a ‘start’ or a ‘beginning’ for the civil society to have an influence, if anything, on the democratisation process in Turkey in general and on policy outcomes—related to politics— in particular. It is simply a modest positive step, slowly moving forward. Neither the Turkish political system allows this, nor the dominant political culture is prepared to relinquish a place, let alone a role as an actor in politics, or to accommodate civil society otherwise. Civil society, as a legitimate partner, is not recognised nor respected.
