MA in European Studies
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Öğe Differentiated integration in the European Union(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2023) Zingg, Begüm Eren; Onursal Beşgül, ÖzgeABSTRACT: Integration has been one of the most important topics for European Studies. Moreover, for the progress and consciousness of the European Union, integration is a significant and influential element. However, integration does not occur at the same level for all member states. In this sense, different ways and levels of integration appear in the literature as differentiated integration. Research into differentiated integration has been unique yet complicated in the literature. At the same time, with new challenges such as the crisis in the European Union over Brexit, disintegration has also appeared on the scene and the literature has become even more complex. Therefore, this thesis aims to unite and summarise the literature on differentiated integration and explain how it has been occurring in the European Union. To do so, the thesis tries to answer the question ‘How did differentiated integration evolve historically in the European Union and impact integration?’ and focuses on the historical evolution of differentiated integration, as well as theorising differentiated integration. In the thesis, various types of differentiated integration will be explained. Moreover, practical examples of differentiated integration in member and non-member states will be included.Öğe A comparative analysis of European and Turkish soft power (geo) strategies in Central Asia and in South Caucasus "case studies: Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan"(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2022) Hajikhalilov, Tughray; Rüma, Şadan İnanABSTRACT: Joseph Nye explored the concept of soft power arguing that soft power is one of the effective tools of foreign policy of states in the 21st century and states use the soft power to influence or attract a particular region with soft power tools such as policies, values, culture, institutions, rather than hard power elements such as military power or economic sanctions. The EU and Turkey have numerous soft power exercises and programs in the post-soviet republics. Central Asia and South Caucasus were target regions that EU and TR projected their soft power programs to develop bilateral relations in cultural, economic, and public diplomacy aspects. The thesis will cover the EU's use of soft power after the 2004 enlargement and Turkey's soft power during Turkey's JDP period from 2002 onwards. Therefore, the thesis aims to analyze and compare the soft power (geo) strategies of European Union (EU) and the Turkish Republic (TR) in Central Asia and in South Caucasus. To achieve this, the study uses William Walter’s geostrategic framework (2004) which is the theoretical groundwork for this research. William Walter proposed four types of geo strategies and clarifies that each “geo-strategy” has a certain purpose, key concepts, and main codes. Thus, using Directed Content Analysis as the methodology of the thesis, the study will identify main codes, themes and key concepts from the selected literature and then will assign those codes, key concepts to the “codes of the geostrategies”. Consequently, the study will provide an in depth analysis and comparison of the similarities and differences between which geo-strategy is employed by which actor and where.Öğe A case study on irregular migration and protection systems: the liminality of Afghan women in Istanbul(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2022) Oshnavieh, Negin Darvishahmadi; Semerci, Pınar UyanABSTRACT: Among the irregular migrants living in Istanbul, undocumented Afghan women have received disproportionately little attention in the literature on refugees and migrants in Turkey. Through interviews with fifteen such women, this study explores how they see their current lives following the journey from Afghanistan, the challenges experienced, and the strategies used to survive, as well as their conception of the future. Taking into account other research on migrants regionally and globally, the study finds that all the participants have experienced, to a greater or lesser degree, a state of ‘liminality’, often expressed in the strong Dari term of bisarneveshti (‘having no assigned destiny’). The fundamental uncertainty resulting from their lack of legal status generates further sources of uncertainty: exclusion from social and economic structures results in extreme hopelessness and depression. Paradoxically, though, they remain hopeful in the face of their hopelessness.Öğe The impact of the refugee crisis on the LGBTI+ organizations in Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2021) Karabacak, Funda; Boşnak, BükeABSTRACT: When peaceful demonstrations escalated into bloody conflicts in 2011, mass flows of people started to flee Syria and sought asylum in neighbouring countries. Hosting the largest refugee population, Turkey, plays a critical role in the so-called refugee crisis1 both as a neighbouring state and a strategic partner in the Syrian Civil War. Furthermore, turbulent political climate that curbs human rights and freedom of speech along with the growing Islam-based politics leads into targeting of the LGBTI+ movement in Turkey. This research, therefore, aims to give insight into the intersection of two groups, LGBTI+ and refugee communities to provide a distinctive approach in the literature. This research intends to understand the impact of the so-called refugee crisis on the structure of the LGBTI+ organizations in Turkey. Three main points form the basis of the research: understanding the relationship between refugee crisis and organizational structure within the LGBTI+ organizations, assessing the changes in relation to organizational structure and agendasetting and lastly the result of this change based on temporal dimension. Based on Wong’s conceptualization, this research defines organizational structure as distribution of agenda-setting power and analyses this concept through three components: proposal power, enforcement power and lastly implementation. It intends to contribute to the literature within empirical setting in Turkey-context. Turkey is an interesting case in terms of LGBTI+ organizations due to the male-dominated and Islam-based values of the society and diminishing importance given to the human rights. Semi-structured interviews were conducted as the method of data collection since they provide both more planned and flexible environment. Similarly, snowball sampling was used in order to contact the interviewees. Lastly, thematic analysis was used to evaluate the collected data. The results suggest that LGBTI+ organizations in Turkey are likely to have decentralized structure and have not gone through structural change following the so-called refugee crisis. On this basis, capacity of the organizations, dominant informal relations and political climate should be taken into consideration when analysing the structure of the organizations.Öğe The European Army(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2020) Kara, Sinan; Özcan, GencerABSTRACT: In this dissertation, the question as to what extent European Defense Integration needs to be enhanced will be discussed. Initially, Europe's slow-paced defense integration process will be overviewed briefly from the end of World War II to the creation of CSDP. Then, with the crises in Libya, Syria and Ukraine, it will be indicated that CSDP was unable to generate a common defense policy. The EUGS will be reviewed to point out why the EU introduced the strategic autonomy as an objective. The problems of PESCO, EDF and any other relevant defense initiatives that followed the announcement of EUGS to deliver strategic autonomy will be examined. As a result, creation of an army at a supranational level within the EU will be suggested as a solution for obtaining strategic autonomy in order to assure a credible CSDP. In the meantime, difficulties and disputes pertaining to a European Army will be pointed out. Based on that, it will be suggested that the idea of a European Army is not possible in the near term, but should remain on the political agenda of the EU as a long-term objective for acquiring strategic autonomy at full spectrum in order to be a security provider as a major international player with a European identity.Öğe Europeanization online: the case of Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2021) Arıkazan, Ayşen; Erdoğan, EmreABSTRACT: This study examines the Europeanization of Turkey’s online communicative spheres, conceptualized as web spheres, collections of websites and hyperlinks bound together by context. It focuses on six areas of European policy, agriculture, security, migration, the environment and climate change, human rights and democracy, social policy and education, all areas of interaction between the EU and Turkey. The Europeanization of national web spheres here has been conceptualized as both the possibility of connectivity between a country’s web spheres and EU and EU member states as well as the visibility of the EU, EU institutions and member states in online media content. The study of these communicative spheres has been done through a visual analysis of hyperlink network graphs combined with a quantitative content analysis of web pages.Öğe Party-level euroscepticism of the radical right: a comparative analysis of the nationalist action party and the alternative for Germany(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2020) Rodoplu, Ufuk Elif; Dikici Bilgin, HasretABSTRACT: The objective of this thesis is to find out whether Euroscepticism in radical right parties is an ideological orientation or a strategic reaction. Two countries, Turkey as the candidate state and Germany as the member state, are chosen. Selecting countries from different levels of the European Union allows to approach the topic from two different perspectives. In these countries, Nationalist Action Party (MHP) and Alternative for Germany (AfD) were chosen as the representatives of the radical right parties. The parties are analyzed according to the six characteristics of the radical right. These are nationalism, racism, xenophobia, anti-democracy, belief in a strong state/authoritarianism, and populism. The Eurosceptic discourses of the parties are studied and how these discourses overlap the party ideology is examined. The study depends on official party discourses, election declarations, and member speeches to obtain objective results. As a result of this study, a clear connection has been found between party ideology and Eurosceptic discourse.Öğe Europeanization or de-europeanizaton: dynamics of Turkey's discourse against the EU between 2015 and 2020(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2020) Kutlu, Nurefşan; Onursal Beşgül, ÖzgeABSTRACT: The classic literature on Europeanization tends to explain the Europeanization process in countries as a mere process of domestic change in compliance with the EU’s rules and regulations. However, this top-down perspective ignores the pivotal role of domestic actors’ actions and discourses, especially the ones’ who are influential in the construction of states’ identity and discourse, in enabling or disabling the Europeanization process in a country. Thus, the recent approaches to Europeanization started to emphasize domestic actors’ impact in determining the scope and ways of Europeanization in countries. This stance is also emphasized in the nascent phenomenon of de-Europeanization that emerged in some EU member and candidate countries, including Turkey, in recent years. This thesis draws from the growing literature on de-Europeanization and examines the current divergence between Turkey and the EU through the analysis of the discursive constructions of the EU/Europe/West in the discourse of the political leader in power between 2015 and 2020. Through critical discourse analysis, it seeks to analyze whether the weakening impact of the EU as a normative and political context in Turkey is normalized and justified by the discursive practices of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in this period.Öğe Populism and covid-19: the influence of covid-19 on populism of AfD and perceptional change of AfD supporters towards national and international elites(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2020) Etke, Fatih; Erdoğan, EmreABSTRACT: Populist parties including Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) frame the national and international elites as a scapegoat during all crises. By bringing the crises into certain 'fear' forms, populist parties raise the level of anxiety in the society and defend themselves as a 'sole remedy'. Another feature of populist parties is having a simple, clear-cut explanation for all problems, which combine current crises with other problems of society. For example, while linking the migrant crisis to an increase in the unemployment rate; they match multiculturalism with the destruction of society's values. The COVID-19 crisis has turned into a pandemic in a very short time and had an atomic impact on world politics. Populist parties have been trying to consolidate or increase their political power by conceptualising COVID-19 with fear and threat discourses in populism. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the AfD’s strategy has resembled the logic of a ‘business model’. The party has packaged shock and confusion in populist discourse and presented it to society again. In other words, they meet the 'need for explanatory demand' in the society with the supply which they set up using their own discourses. They then present them to the society especially through the channel of social media tools. For the seek of the main argument of this thesis, AfD’s political performance during the coronavirus crisis has been analysed. Therefore, it is important to deeply analyse the AfD’s official statements, leader’s social media posts and tweets from the first day that COVID-19 appeared in Germany to the second week of May. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse how the COVID-19 global crisis has been instrumentalized in the populist rhetoric by the AfD, as well as discuss perception shifts among AfD followers towards national and international elites.Öğe Recognition of climate refugees by the European Union(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2019) Güleç, Merve Gülçin; Kaya, AyhanSince the twentieth first century climate change and the climate refugee issues are the most popular discussion topics in the international relations field. The migration related to climate change has been increasing. Since 2008, on average 26.4 millions of people migrated according to the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The response to the climate refugees problem in international or national areas has not been able to even agree on a definition for these in a common definition or a protection policy for them and consequently while the climate change continues to increase the refugee number will be increasing. According to United Nations Refugee Agency by 2050, up to 250 million people will be displaced as a result of climate change. International organizations, countries and non-governmental organizations are discussing the problem of definition and recognition of climate refugees in international relations. The undefined statue of climate refugees is causing the lack of protection in the same time. Especially the people who are living on the islands which are expected to be under the sea level and disappear such as Kiribati or other islands in the Pacific’s. People living on these islands will lose their countries and as a result of this, they will have no identities or passports. They will not be recognized by the international system in this case and because of this un-recognized situation, this could even cause a violation of human has the rights. Because in their case, they have no legal rights. The turning point of all the discussions in the climate refugee issue was in 2014 when Ioane Teitiota wanted for himself and family to go to New Zaeland but this request was rejected by New Zealand. He was the world’s first recognized climate refugee. Ioane Teitota was living in Kiribati which is about to remain under the sea level in the Pacific Ocean. He only wanted to live and survive with his family as every human being. After Ioane Teitiota’s recognition as the first climate refugee, the international community could not ignore or keep the ongoing processes for the climate refugee’s definition and protection in a slowly way. In international relations, the issue has been an issue for governments and international organizations. There is a need for a cooperation because it is a global problem. The governments are not powerful enough to handle an issue this big by their own. On the other hand, the international organizations have to agree with each other on the subject to have a solution for the issue. As one of the most important international organization of international relations is the European Union’s approach to the problem is highly important. This thesis aims to analyze EU’s approach to climate refugee’s situation in international politics. The research question of this dissertation is: “How does the EU define the climate refugees after Ioana Teitota’s situation in international politics?”. In this context, I have used content analysis to analyze the definition of climate refugees and the connection of this to the climate change. The EU’s perspective to the climate refugees after Ioana Teitota’s recognition is analyzed by using content analysis method of the documents of EU written about climate refugees. The reports and documents written by the EU are the perspective of EU to climate refugees situation in international politics. The most important point of the recognition of the climate refugee is the protection gap of their situation. As a solution for this problem, climate refugees have to have a common protection and definition in international politics with a legal framework such as there is for refugees in the 1951 Convention of the UN.Öğe German-Turks' return to the homeland the migration of third generation German-Turks to Turkey(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2019) Demirkol, Ebru; Özge, TürkanThis dissertation attempts to address the phenomenon of return migration and specifically return of third generation German-Turks to Turkey. The aim of this research is to analyze why do the third generation German-Turks return to Turkey. I try to examine the situation by conducting in depth interviews with the German-Turk migrants in Turkey who have migrated between 2001 and 2012. I also try to reveal the difficulties they have experienced upon their return. The research framework chosen for the research is Transnationalism, which tries to formulate a theoretical and conceptual framework between migrants' host and origin countries. Transnationalists base their analysis on the investigation of transnational mobility and transnational identity of migrants. This is a mixed identity, which contains the identity of migrants' origin and host country. Doing regular contacts and visits to the country of origin creates the transnational mobility. Before I have started this research, my argument to the research question was that the reasons the German-Turks return might be because they want to be and live at their motherland and that they could face discrimination. After the research has been done, I have found out that they did not face discrimination, but one of the reasons was the idea of living and being home. For nearly all participants' return decision is made by the family. It was important to examine third generation German-Turks because of that reason that there are limited researches on different generations' return process in the literature. This study can offer opportunity for further researches on the integration policies of third generation German-Turks.Öğe ESDP, the controversial issue between Turkey and the EU: Different security concepts(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2004) Cavlak, Hakan; Gönen, Yunus Emre1998 yılında Avrupa Birliği'nin iki önemli askeri gücü olan İngiltere ve Fransa Avrupa Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikası (AGSP) sürecini başlattı. Bu politika alanı AB'nin Ortak Dış ve Savunma Politikasının ayrılmaz bir parçası olacaktı ve Batı Avrupa Birliği'nin (BAB) bu süreçte ortadan kaldırılması gerekiyordu. NATO'nun Avrupalı ama AB üyesi olmayan ve BAB'ın Ortak üyesi olan Türkiye ile AB arasındaki sorun işte bu noktada başladı; çünkü Türkiye, Avrupa güvenlik sisteminin bu yeni yapısal ve kurumsal şekliyle Avrupa'da ciddi bir etki erozyonu yaşayacaktı. Bunun yanında, bu yeni durum Türkiye'de Türkiye'nin sınırları çevresindeki bazı uluslararası çıkarlarını ve kendi iç güvenliğini zedelediği şeklinde algılandı. Avrupa tarafında ise Türkiye'nin bu konuda yaptığı girişimlere "neden AB üyesi olmayan bir ülke AB'nin kendi iç karar alma mekanizmasına dahil edilsin?" sorusuyla karşı çıkıldı, ayrıca Türkiye'nin Avrupa'nın güvenliğine gerçekten bir katkısı olup olmayacağı şüphesi de bu muhalefette önemli bir etkendi. Avrupa'nın bu durumu değerlendirmesi şu şekilde özetlenebilir: AGSP, AB'nin kendi politikalarından birisi ve böyle bir alanda karar almak AB üyelerine özel bir haktır; Türkiye dünyanın en güvensiz bölgelerinin tam ortasında ve kendi iç güvenlik sorunları var. Bu tezde bu tartışmalı konu yapısalcı bir yaklaşımla incelenecek; her iki tarafın birbirlerinden farklı bir güvenlik kimliğine sahip oldukları ve bu farklılığın ortaya çıkan bu anlaşmazlığın temel nedeni olduğu ileri sürülecek.Öğe UK: Immigration policy and racialization of migrants(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2019) Çetin, Kübra; Kaya, Ayhan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe The state of Turkey-EU relations: Europeanization and human rights(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2019) Başak, Ecem Han; Kaya, Ayhan[Abstract Not Available]Öğe An analysis of the Greek and Turkish immigration policies in the context of Syrian refugee crisis(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2018) Tare, Kostandina; Beşgül, Özge Onursal[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Understanding of the relation between football and identity immigrant football clubs(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2017) Atalay, Doğa Can; Erdoğan, Emre[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Securitization of climate change(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2017) Düzleyen, Sebahat; Dikici, Hasret[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Comparative Advertising in AngloSaxon and E.U. Law(İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 2004) Akman, Özgür; Gönen, Emre[Abstract Not Available]Öğe Öğe
